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The full-scale war in Ukraine "shattered the illusion of security in Russia," Russian dictator Vladimir Putin's thirst for totalitarian control distracted the Russian Federal Security Service from its anti-terrorism duties and reduced its effectiveness as a security agency.
This is stated in the material of The Telegraph. “When Russian troops entered Ukraine in February 2022, the FSB began running “filtration camps” to test the loyalty of Ukrainians in the occupied territories. After humiliating Russian defeats in Kharkov and Kherson at the end of 2022, Putin ordered the FSB to intensify repression of foreign intelligence services and traitors ", the article notes.
In the Russian Federation, some activists condemned the reorientation of the FSB. After the attack on the Crocus City concert hall near Moscow, Russian journalist Kirill Martynov sharply criticized the FSB for focusing on “LGBT extremists” and rejecting warnings from Western intelligence agencies that an attack was imminent. Russian opposition activist Ivan Zhdanov said the FSB's obsession with spying on Russians and punishing anti-war dissidents had destroyed its effectiveness. Russian state media naturally turned away from this criticism, redirecting public anger towards Ukraine. This allowed the FSB leadership to weather the storm of its repeated intelligence failures and remain unchanged.
The FSB's denial of responsibility coincided with escalating complaints in Russia's unprivileged regions where ethnic minorities live. “Dagestan is one of the biggest victims of the unequal burden of the Ukrainian war,” the material notes.
At the beginning of May 2022, Dagestan had the highest level of losses among all regions of Russia. Independent investigations showed that at least 130 Dagestanis died. By April 2023, this figure had risen to at least 806, and the families of liquidated Dagestani men were struggling to receive compensation from the Kremlin.
The creation of the Caspian "volunteer battalion" in Dagestan, which mobilized men over 40, ensures that conscription rates are significantly higher than those in Moscow and St. Petersburg. The high rates of casualties and mobilization coincided with the worsening economic crisis in Dagestan.
"Due to the dominance of oligarchic clans, 70% of Dagestan's budget consists of Russian federal subsidies. This is the highest figure among Russian regions. While Dagestan authorities claim that fighting in Ukraine is good for the future of Russia, many desperate young people with we do not agree with this,” the article emphasizes.
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