Pls. NNPCL this lady must be retained on this program! She is good at presentatuions. I have never paid any particuler interest on this program until this. Thanks presenter.
@chrispassing48758 ай бұрын
Weldon Lady, very articulated presentation.
@adebayoyusuf84648 ай бұрын
New heights, NNPCL. Great youtube content.
@mcallammaro25048 ай бұрын
Thank you NNPC Limited... More success 🎉
@oluwasegunaina30928 ай бұрын
God bless Nigeria.
@ephraimetu27758 ай бұрын
Great job ... Good prospects and dividends are in sight. Kudos to all involved
@suntanglory8 ай бұрын
NNPC what is happening on the other three refineries?Please we are what for update on the progress.And also,can you please complete the Agbara to seme border road in lagos.Also,can l say here,that NNPC should relocate it core business operation to Niger delta,either to portharcourt or warri.The absence of NNPCl in this region contributed to the theft and illegal bunkering that is affecting daily supply of oil.There was nothing like the illegal activities we read about now when NNPC had a presence in the Niger delta.Thank you.
@DuniyaPeter8 ай бұрын
Great stride
@abdulwahabalani36638 ай бұрын
Congratulations sir and Carry on Sir God bless NNPC In Nigeria 🇳🇬 and Long life for Mr president of Federal Republic of Nigeria 🇳🇬 Sir BOLA AHMED TINUBU 🇳🇬🙏 and God bless Federal Republic of Nigeria 🇳🇬 Amen 🙏💚🤍💚🙏 And Support by Abdul Wahabalani Agboola abass from Abuja FCT of Nigeria 🇳🇬 and God bless us all Amen 🙏💚🤍💚🌹💚🤍💚
@antnam44068 ай бұрын
Get the oil flowing with all the refinery working.
@Aigberaedion_Samson7 ай бұрын
absolutism persisted until the recent past. With absolutism came extractive economic institutions and poverty for the mass of Ethiopians, though of course the emperors and nobility benefited hugely. But the most enduring implication of the absolutism was that Ethiopian society failed to take advantage of industrialization opportunities during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, underpinning the abject poverty of its citizens today. THE CHILDREN OF SAMAALE Absolutist political institutions around the world impeded industrialization either indirectly, in the way they organized the economy, or directly, as we have seen in Austria-Hungary and Russia. But absolutism was not the only barrier to the emergence of inclusive economic institutions. At the dawn of the nineteenth century, many parts of the world, especially in Africa, lacked a state that could provide even a minimal degree of law and order, which is a prerequisite for having a modern economy. There was not the equivalent of Peter the Great in Russia starting the process of political centralization and then forging Russian absolutism, let alone that of the Tudors in England centralizing the state without fully destroying -or, more appropriately, without fully being able to destroy-the Parliament and other constraints on their power. Without some degree of political centralization, even if the elites of these African polities had wished to greet industrialization with open arms, there wouldn’t have been much they could have done. Somalia, situated in the Horn of Africa, illustrates the devastating effects of lack of political centralization. Somalia has been dominated historically by people organized into six clan families. The four largest of these, the Dir, Darod, Isaq, and Hawiye, all trace their ancestry back to a mythical ancestor, Samaale. These clan families originated in the north of Somalia and gradually spread south and east, and are even today primarily pastoral people who migrate with their flocks of goats, sheep, and camels. In the south, the Digil and the Rahanweyn, sedentary agriculturalists, make up the last two of the clan families. The territories of these clans are depicted on Map 12. Somalis identify first with their clan family, but these are very large and contain many subgroups. First among these are clans that trace their descent back to one of the larger clan families. More significant are the groupings within clans called diya-paying groups, which consist of closely related kinspeople who pay and collect diya, or “blood wealth,” compensation against the murder of one of their members. Somali clans and diya-paying groups were historically locked in to almost continual conflict over the scarce resources at their disposal, particularly water sources and good grazing land for their animals. They also constantly raided the herds of neighboring clans and diya-paying groups. Though clans had leaders called POLITICALLY sultans, and also elders, these people had no real power. Political power was very widely dispersed, with every Somali adult man being able to have his say on decisions that might affect the clan or group. This was achieved through an informal council made up of all adult males. There was no written law, no police, and no legal system to speak of, except that Sharia law was used as a framework within which informal laws were embedded. These informal laws for a diyapaying group would be encoded in what was called a heer, a body of explicitly formulated obligations, rights, and duties the group demanded others obey in their interactions with the group. With the advent of colonial rule, these heers began to be written down. For example, the Hassan Ugaas lineage formed a diya-paying group of about fifteen hundred men and was a subclan of the Dir clan family in British Somaliland. On March 8, 1950, their heer was recorded by the British district commissioner, the first three clauses of which read 1. When a man of the Hassan Ugaas is murdered by an external group twenty camels of his blood wealth (100) will be taken by his next of kin and the remaining eighty camels shared amongst all the Hassan Ugaas. 2. If a man of the Hassan Ugaas is wounded by an outsider and his injuries are valued at thirty-three-and-a-third camels, ten
@chisomokezie2398 ай бұрын
5:53 why didn't he rehearse his "contribution"? It's quite obvious that he was reading his comment (I suspect a laptop). I hope he is a lot more passionate at executing his assigned duties?
@skyman9823Ай бұрын
If the Nigerian cassava famers follow the business model of the petrol sector, sooner or later, the country will be exporting all her cassava harvest to China, then turn around and borrow funds to import bags of processed gari from Hong Kong. Economic suicide.